Documenti del Primo Congresso Nazionale del Partito dei CARC - 19/20 maggio 2007

Advancing on the traced path, developing the experience

1937-2007, 70th anniversary of the death of comrade Antonio Gramsci, first great leader of the Italian communist movement.

Theses approved by the First Congress of CARC Party - Viareggio 19th-20th May 2007

I. Fixed points on the general situation and our duties

1. The present crisis. As the entire capitalist world, our country is involved in a new general crisis of absolute overproduction of capital. It is the second long-term general crisis, after the second lasted since 1910 to 1945, and it began in the middle of the Seventies. It is a general crisis because it does not concern only some aspects, but involves, upsets and transforms the entire society. It is an economical crisis that generates a political and cultural crisis.


2. The crisis feeds the extermination war the imperialist are carrying out again the popular masses. The crisis provokes growing sufferance among the popular masses, feeds and provokes an “undeclared extermination war” the bourgeoisie is carrying out against the popular masses all over the world. Every year this war provokes ten millions of deaths by starvation, misery, exploitation, wars, curable illnesses, depression, etc. No war in humanity’s history ever did so many victims.


3. The crisis feeds the contrasts among imperialist groups. On national level many forms of war are growing, combined with attempts of masses’ reactionary mobilization, that is more or less spread out civil wars in imperialist countries (strategy of tension, slaughters, gangs’ wars, plots). On the international level there are developing wars among imperialist groups and States and wars of aggression against the oppressed people.


4. The resort to war becomes again the main instrument the imperialist groups, first of all US ones, utilize for settling the accounts among themselves and with those hinder their interests and do not accept their domination; for leading the way to exploitation of resources and popular masses of oppressed and ex - socialist countries; for suffocating the rebellion of oppressed peoples and prevent the rebirth of the communist movement. They are wars of imperialist aggression, even if they are differently presented to the popular masses of their countries (humanitarian wars, wars against dictators and for freedom, wars for “peace”) and approved by the international organizations created by imperialist countries themselves (UN, EU, OTAN, etc.).


5. The crisis feeds popular masses’ resistance. Among the workers, the general crisis provokes unemployment, social alienation, distortion and elimination of conquests of civilization and welfare extorted during the first wave of proletarian revolution by the working class and popular masses led by communist parties,. It causes continuous worsening of life and work conditions, material and moral decay for the majority of population. The more the crisis goes on, and individually or collectively wider strata of popular masses enter into turmoil, the more the great majority of the popular masses tries to prevent the decay of life and work conditions in many ways. This is the popular masses’ resistance against the ongoing crisis of present society. This resistance is the common element, in some way present in every initiative of every fraction of popular masses, and is the principal factor of transformation of our society in this phase.


6. Objectively, the crisis more and more enlarges the division of society in two opponent parts. On one side there are the popular masses, consisting of those classes that work for living and are able to live only if they succeed in working (workers, unemployed and temporary employees, pensioners, self-employed workers, little proprietors, little traders, etc.). On the other side, there is the imperialist bourgeoisie, consisting of those who live thanks to others’ work, or else work only for increase their richness (industrialists, bankers, wheeler-dealers and Mafia men, great officials, high rank prelates, bourgeois political exponents, successful artists and personalities of bourgeois culture, etc.)


7. The popular masses’ resistance to the advancement of present society’s crisis is bound to widespread, develop and get divided. After all, every member or fraction of the popular masses is faced by only two ways for maintain, defend and improve his own life and work conditions: or uniting himself to the other workers for eliminating imperialist bourgeoisie’s direction over society and establishing a new socialist society (masses’ revolutionary mobilization), or sharing the plunder of other parts of the popular masses under imperialist bourgeoisie’s orders (masses’ reactionary mobilization). These two trends are both real: they will contrast, combine and overturn each other. Necessarily, the next future will be full of war and revolutions. Thinking to escape the sufferings and devastations that will follow is an illusion. To proclaim it means to swindle the popular masses. We do not hide them, because we must educate ourselves and other people to face them. Energetically and effectively struggling for making the socialist revolution triumph is also the only way for relieve and shorten the sufferings and destructions of the period we are entering.


8. Since many years, we are within a new developing revolutionary situation. The beginning of the 21st century is characterized by the development of a new situation of war and revolution, similar to that gone through in the first half of last century. The society in its present form has no future. It will change or under working class’ direction, creating a socialist society that will go towards Communism (a society founded on common management of the productive forces by the workers in order to satisfy individual and collective, material and spiritual needs), or else under imperialist bourgeoisie’s direction, creating, by destructions and political upturns, different orders of a still capitalist society which will forward repropose the same problems of present society. So, the reality puts again on the agenda the socialist revolution. This is the only positive way out from present crisis for the popular masses. The second wave of proletarian revolution is on the agenda all over the world


8. The substance of current political struggle. Beyond the confusion, the theatre, the chat of its appearance, the substance of ongoing political struggle is the possibility that Communists will succeed in taking the direction of popular masses and lead them to socialist revolution, uniting themselves to their defensive and offensive resistance, supporting, promoting and organizing it, and making prevail in it the working class’ direction through its party (the communist party), and finally transforming it in struggle for socialism.


10. The balance of the first wave of proletarian revolution. We draw a widely positive balance from first socialist countries’ experience. The first socialist countries represent the concrete example of the possibility the working class has to take the reins of society wringing them from bourgeoisie’s hands. The socialist countries’ working class and popular masses developed a mobilization never seen before for the construction of a new world no more ruled by capitalists, no more subjugated to the law of exploitation man by man, marching towards a society without exploited and exploiters. On a world level, the first socialist countries have been the highest point of working class’ struggle against bourgeoisie for the conquest of power, for its and other popular masses’ emancipation, for the elimination of society divided in classes, for Communism. We start from that experience for treasuring teachings, setting off every positive aspect and working for overcoming the limits that unavoidably every really innovatory phenomenon takes with itself. The communists’ lack of experience has been the principal reason why the modern revisionists prevailed and, consequently, the reason of socialist countries’ turnabout, regression, degeneration and weakening until collapse. The hostility and fierce and unscrupulous aggressions by imperialist powers and Vatican, the missed triumph of socialist revolution in imperialist countries, the sabotage and influence by ousted classes, the starting backwardness of the countries where socialism was established have had only an auxiliary role. The most advances teachings the communist movement have drawn from that experience are collected in the Maoism, the third stage of communist thought after Marxism and Leninism. On the basis of those teachings collected in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism we want and are able to develop that experience at a higher level. We develop at a higher level the experience of the first wave of proletarian revolution realizing the objective to make Italy a new socialist country.


11. The role of Communist party. The CARC Party knows that only the direction of a new and true communist party can guide the working class’ struggle to conquer the power and to build the new socialist society, recognizes the (new) Italian Communist Party – (n)PCI, founded in 2004, the only true embryo of communist party present in Italy, the only one that clearly and coherently has taken on of the duty “to guide the working class to make Italy a new socialist country”.


12. The (new) Italian Communist Party indicated the four struggle fronts where masses’ revolutionary mobilization will develop. First front: resistance against repression, struggle against repression and solidarity. Second front: popular masses’ mobilization for intervening in bourgeois political struggle. Third front: popular masses’ mobilization in claiming struggles, in the defense without reservation of the conquests wrung from bourgeoisie. Fourth front: popular masses’ mobilization for building economic, social and cultural instruments and organizations autonomous form bourgeoisie (people’s houses, social centers, cooperatives, cultural circle, mutual aid cashes, sport and recreational societies, etc.) and apt to directly satisfy their own needs. The mobilization in everyone of these fronts has the main objective to favor the accumulation of revolutionary forces.


13. The role of CARC Party. Since the spring of 2005, the CARC Party has taken as main duty the work on the second front of (n)PCI’s general Plan of work : “to promote, direct, and organize the popular masses’ mobilization for intervening in bourgeois political struggle, with the main objective to accumulate the revolutionary forces, and in the second place with the objective to improve life and work conditions of popular masses and extend their rights, increase and exploit the contradictions among imperialist bourgeoisie’s groups and forces.


14. The CARC Party works for pushing the realization of a real popular masses’ democracy always forward. So doing, more and more it puts on the agenda a democracy the imperialist bourgeoisie finally cannot accept nor tolerate. So doing, it puts more and more on the agenda, , the incompatibility between masses’ and bourgeoisie’s interests in every field and aspects of masses’ life as central and unavoidable crux of our society’s life, and the need to struggle for a new social order directed by workers and popular masses, that is for socialism.


15. Our participation in bourgeois political struggle. This participation has a revolutionary character and is distinguished from that of any kind of reformists: 1. because always and in any case we start from popular masses’ interests rather than from possibilities and compatibilities of bourgeois social order; 2. because we put the contrast of class’ interests before the contrast of ideas; 3. because we clearly indicate allies and enemies, and the interests that support ones’ and others’ ideas and politics; 4. because we begin to divide and counter rather than conciliate classes’ interests; 5. because we aim to make coincide contraposition between political line-ups and contraposition between interests, 6. because we aim to make the incompatibility between popular masses’ interests and present social order the lever for the transformation of this social order itself.


16. Relation between the second front and the others. The CARC Party’s intervention and action in the other three fronts of struggle is complementary and functional to the development of the principal duty. The four fronts are tied and develop in dialectical interrelation: the development of one front favors the development of the others, and in some measure a front cannot develop without the others.


17. The CARC Party’s line. Our line is “to promote, direct and organize the masses to intervene in bourgeois political struggle for favoring the accumulation of revolutionary forces, for making emerge the incompatibility between masses’ and bourgeoisie’s interests in every field and aspect of masses’ life, for increasing and exploiting the contradiction among imperialist bourgeoisie’s groups and forces, in short for developing the masses’ revolutionary mobilization”.


18. Mass line and front politics. The CARC Party adopts as principal method of work and direction the mass line, consisting of 1. identifying positive and negative trends existing among the masses in every situation, intervening for supporting the positive and fighting the negative ones, 2. identifying the left, the centre and the right in every situation, intervening for mobilizing and organizing the left so that it could unite the centre to itself and isolate the left, 3. collecting the scattered and confused ideas among the masses, elaborate them in the light of dialectical materialism for drawing from them analyses, lines, criteria and measures for masses’ action. The mass line is one of the principal instruments we get from the international communist movement experience, synthesized in Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and, regarding Italian communist movement, from Antonio Gramsci’s teachings. In the development of the relations with other organizations on national and international level the CARC Party adopts the front politics based on three pillars: 1. mutual knowledge, common initiative whenever it’s possible and exchange of experiences; 2. open debate, based on criticism and self-criticism, regarding the analysis of situation, the balance of communist movement, the program, the work methods, the general and the particular lines; 3. mutual solidarity facing the preventive counter revolution and generally the imperialist bourgeoisie’s repression.


II. Balance and prospects of our Party’s work


19. The current situation. The general crisis of capitalist system increases workers and popular masses’ exploitation and misery, feeds internal contradictions among the various bourgeoisie’s groups, and between it and the people oppressed by imperialism. The synthetic reference of our rich analysis of capitalist system crisis allows us to understand the pressure cooker which the present society is closed into: the undeclared extermination war against the popular masses, the popular masses’ resistance to the advancement of crisis, the development of imperialist war and popular resistance against imperialism, the gangs’ war among bourgeois groups (political and industrial spying, the inquiries and attacks by judiciary means, the blackmails, and so on). This situation confirms that we are in a new revolutionary situation in development; it confirms the rightness of the (new) PCI general line, “to support and organize the resistance the popular masses are opposing to the general crisis of capitalism”; it confirms that the thesis according to which “the situation is favorable to Communists’ action and to the rebirth of communist movement” is not a stock phrase or a slogan, but is a result of a scientific analysis of reality. Only our limits, our mistakes and our still scarce trust in ourselves and in the masses, and our limited experience prevent to exploit in the best way the possibilities given by everyday reality and advance in the struggle for making Italy a new socialist country and in the rebirth of the Communist movement. Every success we have had in our political action has been due to the fact that we somehow overcame this mistrust, we used in a revolutionary way the experience of the communist movement, we appealed to the popular masses according to their concrete mobilization.

20. Transformation from subjective forces of socialist revolution (SFSR) into party. The National Direction elected in 2005 defined these first two years of CARC party a phase of transition towards a party of the second front. We were aware that such a transformation requested time we were not able to estimate, and that we had to evaluate this transformation in relation to the results we were getting inside us in the struggle against sectarianism and grass roots political conceptions, and outside us in the development of our connection with the masses. We made progresses in this work, we are improving and keep on marching on the traced path, but we cannot say that our transformation is concluded.


21. Our main contradiction. The main contradiction we are plunged in and that will accompany all this phase of passing (transformation) is: to transform ourselves in a party actively participating in the bourgeois political struggle in a revolutionary way (second front of struggle) or keep on being a comprehensive Subjective Force of Socialist Revolution (SFSR) (that is a communist organization fruit of modern revisionism domination and of the lack of a true communist party), who wants to deal with everything and, obviously, can do it only on an artisan and grass root political level. This contradiction is objective and produces a struggle (more or less open, more or less acute) between two lines in our party. The left line is to undertake with decision the duty to participate in the bourgeois political struggle for accumulating revolutionary forces, struggling against the bourgeoisie’s common program, supporting all workers and popular masses’ struggles and developing class solidarity, connecting this struggle to the more general struggle for making Italy a new socialist country. The right line expresses itself mainly in the resistance to transformation and in the residual leanings as SFSR (sectarianism) or, secondly, in assuming conciliatory and collaborating positions with the bourgeois left, not keeping a steadfast autonomy from it, tailing it and following its political opportunism). We make progress in dealing this contradiction as well, and we are improving. Today we can say that these resistances are most of all due to lack of understanding, fear of the new and superficial attitudes:


22.Transformation and rectification process of life and work style. Our transformation is integral part of the rectification process of life and work style we are carrying out since 2003. This process is founded on

·        criticism – self criticism – transformation (CST), in order to 1. give the right importance to collective work, 2. establish a right dialectic between individual and collective, and 3. adopt a communist life and work style,

·        individual and group formation.

We made important steps on (formation schools, development of relations of criticism – self criticism – transformation within the directing organisms and the local branches, formation of directors, officers, etc.). Nevertheless the rectification process is not yet concluded: we have to go on in strengthening what we have built till now and carry out the process to the end.


23. Transformation and external influences. We must always pay a clear and right attention to the general and external context which our party’s work enters in. We must never ignore this factor in our analysis if we want to be dialectic (and dialectic is the Communists’ science). We must always pay attention to the dialectical relation between outside and inside while making the balance of our activity, evaluating our steps on in the process of transformation, evaluating comrades’ attitudes, etc. We don’t live in a bell-jar. We live and act in a political and social context that don’t facilitate comrades’ work because it drives towards another direction, towards individualism, desegregation, anti – party attitude. Nowadays working as Communists with a party style really means to go against the stream, to fight the direct and indirect bourgeoisie’s influence on our political, social and cultural personal life. In order to do a right evaluation about our party’s condition, about the steps on we have done, it is important to point out that we are carrying out a hard battle against revisionists and bourgeoisie for giving a dialectical materialistic orientation to ourselves, to the vanguard workers and other popular masses’ members, to the SFRS, for carrying out on higher level the struggle for making Italy a new socialist country.


24. An experimental way. In order to evaluate the state of our transformation in a second-front party we had to bear in mind that the way we begin is an absolute newness on the political level. It is an experimental way in which we are little or not at all directly experienced and the communist movement’s historical experience has been very partial and lasted few years, owing to the achievement of old Italian Communist Party by modern revisionists since the half of the Fifties in the last century. Nevertheless, already the first experiences demonstrate and confirm all the potentialities of this struggle front for pushing forward the revolutionary process and the accumulation of revolutionary forces. It’s enough to see what effect has produced the little but significant irruption in bourgeois politics’ petty theater we did with the electoral campaign in last year. Our participation in the electoral campaign with communist lists, participation as Communists and not as electoral opportunists, demonstrates the potentiality and the newness of this kind of work and represents the most innovative aspect of the struggle for contrasting revisionists’ influence and direction in the popular masses’ field.


25. Shifting towards left. In this fight we have seen that where there are Communists, who share the electoral battle as Communists, the change in favor of the popular masses is qualitative and produces a shifting towards left of the entire political axis. What we guessed and stated concretely happened. It could be seen with the naked eye: the shifting towards left of the masses’ orientation that one can produce with the participation in bourgeois elections, the bulwark we raise against the right, the trouble in which we drive revisionists, barkers of every color and friends of bourgeoisie’ friends, the boost to masses’ confidence we give. We verify it in a little town as Roccasecca and in metropolis as Milan and Naples. On one side our irruption creates a fertile ground for collecting and accumulating revolutionary forces, on the other it gives rise to attacks and reactions by the bourgeoisie for hindering our participation in its petty theater by all means, attacks and reactions we must resist and learn to use for unmasking its true face among the masses.


26. The common program of bourgeois ranks. Another important aspect of our line, confirmed by everyday reality and under everybody’s eyes, is that both Center-Right and Center-Left follow the same program, the “imperialist bourgeoisie’s common program”. It’s a program dictated by the industrialists, bankers, cardinals, Mafia men and profiteers who really rule our country, consisting of: 1.eliminating what remains of the conquests of civilization and welfare for the popular masses (economical, political, union and social conquests, 2. ruthlessly struggling for conquering a leading role in world affairs, in the partition of the profits extorted from workers and oppressed people (participation in imperialism “commercial and humanitarian wars”), 3. repressing the masses’ resistance movement, particularly those who are, or bourgeoisie fears they could become, centers of promotion, organization and orientation of that movement. The matter of common program shows itself clearly and strongly as the main newness in the latest years: for the first time, and en bloc, the parties (particularly the Party of Communist Refoundation) that until yesterday were substantially or formally outside the governmental structure, now are inside it and with their ministers they are active in pursuing the bourgeoisie’s common program, they are fundamental elements on the scene of the bourgeois petty theater, and promoters of national unity under imperialist bourgeoisie’s direction (it’s enough to hear their speeches about the alliance with USA, about OTAN, about “international terrorism”). It’s the first time that such a situation occurs in our country. During the latest Centre-Left government the Party of Communist Refoundation gave an external support and played the role of “governmental and opposition party” (as the PCI of Berlinguer was from the times of “historic compromise” onwards).


27. The Communists must unmask the common program and come back as Communists in the bourgeois petty theatre. Our party has to do a clear and clean battle to denounce the common program, the concrete interests binding the two bourgeois ranks, has to carry out a battle to make Communists and the other opponents to capitalist system come back in bourgeois politics’ petty theatre, with the aim of contributing also in this field to the struggle for making Italy a new socialist country. In this sense our party has a real vanguard role for the clearness of its analysis and the project it’s carrying out. We have to fight for making the Communists’ participation in bourgeois political struggle return to the levels the old PCI reached in the Fifties and Sixties. This fight must show clearly that the Communists’ participation in bourgeois political struggle is something different from the congregation of parties, careerists and bound to profiteers at various levels bound to bourgeoisie.


28. The Communists must unmask all the bourgeois reformist parties. The situation concretely demonstrates that all the parties calling themselves communists (PRC and PdCI- Party of Communist Refoundation and Party of Italian Communists) are ruled, managed and directed with a system the old PCI fought and contrasted for years: the Democratic Christian management of politics done by clients, affairs, underworld, job’s market, licit and illicit financing: They are parties that put behind the relation with their rank-and-file members (the masses) and put in front their bonds with bourgeois institutions, parties and apparatuses. In the latest years, this situation had had a qualitative leap: it have been never seen the PRC and the other parties of bourgeois left participate in such an open and advanced way to the partition of positions and profits nor such a wide detachment from their rank-and-file members and from their base circles that at the moment have been closed or made inactive.


29. The revisionist parties’ degeneration. What has been the guideline in management of popular parties’ political life since the coming of modern revisionists has now reached an advanced level and this can do nothing but lead to the reconquest and the new rise of its healthiest, truly democratic and popular part, that is still trapped within these parties (because of its and our own limits). We must denounce this political and social degeneration of parties calling themselves communist with thousands of examples from the every day reality. The review Rapporti Sociali [Social Relations, N. d. T.] and our newspaper Resistenza [Resistance, N. d. T.] must have an active role in this battle. The revisionist parties and regime trade unions are all the same managed as an enterprise for making profits and affairs, for pick up public financing, for fixing up relatives and friends with jobs, etc. We must study in depth the role of workers’ aristocracy in this phase, let see and centre the role its parties and organizations nowadays have in feeding corruption and desegregation among the masses. Nowadays the bourgeoisie has all to gain in strengthening this workers’ aristocracy. That is why it facilitates and finances the creation of a crowd of directors, officers, political exponents’ gofers, deputies, regional, provincial and communal counselors. So, the regime trade unions promote professional unionists (formed and trained for doing the unionists) instead of promoting the changing over to officers, through temporary detachment, the struggling vanguards of the factories, the recognized union delegates. On their part, the parties promote professional political intriguers, formed and trained for doing the bourgeois drawing-room politicians, acting well their role. When they “promote” leaders of struggle movements (as the no global ones) they do it only for gaining these sectors’ consent and deprive these movements of any antagonistic content.


30. The worker aristocracy’s role. The worker aristocracy is composed by promoters, leaders, organizers, officers of popular organizations as unions, political parties, cooperatives, associations, publishing houses, newspapers, etc., that is all people who get the greatest moral and social benefits, in terms of relations and social prestige, from workers’ and popular masses’ movement, and as a rule get at least an important part of their income from the role they carry out. Socially, every member of worker aristocracy has a role that bourgeois society denies to the single proletarian, “is worth” some number of proletarians (a union man talks to some number of proletarians, has relations with them, influences them, etc.). Who, among these people, makes use of his social condition for favoring workers and popular masses’ interests is the left wing of worker aristocracy, while who make use of it for his own interests, or for those of relatives, acquaintances, friends, does nothing but repropose the Democratic Christian and Mafia system of clans, families, friends of the friends, embodies the right wing of worker aristocracy. Today the right wing of worker aristocracy is composed by a crowd of ten thousand of officers, under officers, members of the board of directors of societies and State and communal bodies, mixed societies, associations, cooperatives, commissions and under commissions, and their relatives. It is mainly present within the regime unions. Through this cobweb, regime parties and unions ensure consent, militants, funds, etc. for themselves. This cobweb is mobilized also by the immediate interest to ensure an income and a role for themselves in the society on occasion of the elections. Today there is a direct combination and exchange of roles (direct passage) between the officers and directors of trade unions and the ones of bourgeois political parties, particularly of the bourgeois left, between union and political officers and directors and managers of imperialist bourgeoisie’s productive and financial institutions. Union activities and relations are used for gaining votes, consents, etc. Many institutional exponents of top level (Chamber and Senate Presidents, various ministers) come from trade unions. The left of worker aristocracy is that who put itself at the service of workers and popular masses and, in this phase, struggles for the renewal of union movement and for a class union. It has to be supported by communist organizations.


31. The political crisis feeds political parties’ profiteering and degeneration. From many parts we hear the denunciation of the connivance of profiteering with political parties, of the “costs” of bourgeois politics, of the substantial similarity between left and right parties as for profiteering, patronage system, nepotism. Parties and local administrations create societies paid with public money, for sharing out it and get public loans and so fixing relatives and friends mobilized in the electoral campaign. By this time, this is the underworld ruling also in all the parties of the left bourgeoisie, the PRC, the PdCI, the Greens, the Left Democrats: they make politics a job, for living and sponging on workers and popular masses. By this time the “party-enterprise” line, the line of Christian Democratic power, of Craxi, carried out at the higher level by Berlusconi, has become the guideline of all the bourgeois parties. This ideological, political and economical community creates as well a common line between the reactionary right (Berlusconi’s gang) and the cheating left (Prodi’s circus)

32. The bourgeois politics petty theatre tries to conceal the current society decay. They simulate to quarrel in public, on the stage of the petty theatre and then, behind the scenes, they come to agreements about how better swindling the popular masses, about how sharing out the loot: public resources stolen from workers and popular masses. In this situation the parties of the so called radical left are advancing by leaps and bounds in learning the profiteers’ art. We have already seen their dash in hoarding ministries, under secretariats, presidencies of parliamentary commissions in the government of Prodi’s circus. They have even the cheek to do public whining about the cost of politics. In the last decades the positive diversity of left administrations has been set at zero. The “red regions” (Emilia, Tuscany) were famous for their clean administration. Even in a capitalist system they took in account the interests of workers, pensioners, women: for instance, Reggio Emilia was in the van with its kindergartens. Now they are all gone upside down and the client and speculative system has gained ground. This demonstrates that the way of partial reforms, of capitalism with a human face is a dead end. The only true alternative is to make Italy a new socialist country.


33. It’s time the Communists break into bourgeois politics theatre also against this profiteering. Also on these aspects, it’s time the Communists intervene in the petty theatre of bourgeois politics, for unmasking all the swindles organized against the popular masses, all the rottenness reigning in bourgeois parties and institutions. They must do it not for sowing new illusions about the possibility to reform the putrid capitalist system and its parties, but for saying that it’s time to sweep away this political class that call itself champion of masses’ interests, that always and anyway we must centre on workers’ interests and not the interests of this or that one group of the imperialist bourgeoisie (industrialists, bankers, profiteers, Vatican), that we have to build a socialist society. To build and share a popular bloc and to fight the varied bourgeois bloc means this.


34. Let’s make the participation in bourgeois political struggle a school of Communism.  The popular bloc has an important historical duty: to carry out the accumulation of the revolutionary forces in the electoral field as well, to give again meaning to the political and cultural diversity of Communists and other Anti-capitalists, the diversity the old PCI worthily represented in comparison to the bourgeois parties for years until the end of the Sixties in the last century. Decades of revisionists’ power deeply corrupted part of the popular masses themselves, driving to such a level of corruption leaders and parties who still use symbols and banners of the communist movement. We must give again meaning to the diversity of workers and popular masses parties in comparison to bourgeois parties. The Centre-Left parties are engaged in becoming homologues to the other bourgeois parties and we must unmask them among the masses, make our diversity live among the masses. We must propagandize that there is only one positive way for the masses: to build an own struggle front, an own electoral bloc politically and organizationally autonomous from bourgeoisie for its political, social and cultural conception and practice. Who else can lead this battle? We must collect all true democratic, progressive, ecologist forces that still constitute the base of these parties in this battle. This still politically and morally uncorrupted base is against this exploding profiteering and constitutes the popular bloc.

35. Let’s make the resistance against repression a school of Communism. The more we shall go on building the popular bloc, the more the profiteering parties will try to hinder our way by all means; they will attack us with repression, try at all costs to keep us away from the bourgeois petty theatre they consider their exclusive hunting field, sow confusion among the masses, fling against us their henchmen, etc. Nevertheless, we have an advanced line on this battlefield as well. We know how to face repression, provocations and demagogy, that is never being silent or conceal the repressive attack, but openly denouncing it as an attack to political and organizational freedom of communists and popular masses, promoting and developing a common front of solidarity, creeping into the contradictions that unavoidably any repressive action provokes also in bourgeoisie’s field, in bourgeois institutions and parties. So doing, we shall be able to turn over every repressive action and provocation against its instigators and executors. Also in this field we already got results and we shall surely have again positive spin-offs for our development and action. We shall make become the struggle against repression a school for Communism.


36. Let’s become more professional in the struggle against bourgeois petty theatre. In order to understand at what level and how such a system of power management rooted we must learn to make inquiry, to strike up relations useful for this inquiry for making a denounce, the more possible in detail and at local and national level. These are concrete ways for advancing in our political growth and in our transformation in party of the second front, a party carrying out the duty he assumed with the due professionalism. This activity gives us possibility to join the wide masses, to enter in relation with the most advanced sectors, with the morally and politically sanest part existing in our country that is the overwhelming majority of the popular masses. So, we shall make the participation in the bourgeois political struggle a school of Communism, a ground of growth and accumulation of the forces struggling for making Italy a new socialist country.


37. The strength of our line. We have a line fit to understand and interpret the reality: this is our main force and help us to dig more into the political battle and its varied supporters. This our force displays itself in our everyday work, in our continuity, in our advancing, in our way to face bourgeoisie’s repressive attacks, in our continuous, even if slower than we want, quantitative growth. All this is generating a change in the attitude towards us by the SFSR and aggregations more attentive, less sectarian, not led by factionalist conceptions, that strive to maintain a certain level of revolutionary mobilization (for instance: the Communists’ Network, the Anti-imperialist Camp). The sane part of what has remained in the field of SFSR developed in the latest twenty years that until yesterday were hostile toward us, nowadays are changing attitude: principally because of our right line, our continuity, our resistance against repression, they are compelled to recognize us a positive role and make common initiatives. Practically, this is an affirmation of front politics. This is also culture medium of the popular bloc.

38. The bourgeois Left brings up the rear of the Right. In every bourgeois aggregation it’s the internal right wing that dominates, and right parties orient the left ones. It is the right that directs bourgeois left parties in every field and dictates the rules, in the political intervention about family, information, culture, trade union movement, promotion of anti-communism and racism, support to imperialist war, subjection to Vatican, EU, OTAN and US imperialists. It’s the right ideology that orients the general vision of all the parties of bourgeois left: free capitalist market, imperialist war, exploitation of labour force, safeguard of individual instead of collective interests, etc. At most, the bourgeois left adds some if and buts, presents every “evil of capitalism” as a smaller evil, as unavoidable or as divine punishment. So, the imperialist war became “humanitarian wars” or peace missions (today Centre Left and Centre Right agree that the Italian participation in Iraqi war was a “peace mission in a theatre of war”: the force of words is used for trying to confuse the masses!). The advancing of the general crisis and the imperialist war on one side and the weakness of communist movement on the other strengthen the bourgeois Right’s direction and shift to right all the parties of the bourgeois system in every country of the world. In order to develop the imperialist war it needs to develop the reactionary mobilization and this leads to unite on the program of the most reactionary Right: anticommunism, rehabilitation of Fascism, racism, creation of new fascist and Para fascist forces, etc. This situation opens to the “wide ententes” between right and left parties upon the bourgeoisie’s common program, but neither this way will solve the political crisis that grasps the bourgeois regime, because, as we saw, it arises from the general crisis of the capitalist system. If it will be made concrete, also the development of the “wide ententes”, , strengthen our thesis upon the common program of the two bourgeois ranks.



39. Revisionist parties’ shift towards Right. In our country this is shown by the transformations

·        of the Left Democrats (DS) in Democratic Party,

·        of the Party of Communist Refoundation in Party (PRC) in the European Left, that will try to take the place of the former Left Democrats’ Party, abandoning the residual political and cultural references to the Communist movement,

·        of the Party of Italian Communists (PdCI), that will try to find a place among (or within) the European Left,

·        of the Greens, and the residual Left of the PRC that are looking for a new attempt of aggregation, aimed to keep the role and orientation of the present direction of the PRC. On their side, the Greens will transform themselves from points of aggregation and reference of associations born to defend the collective interests (environment, nature, health, etc.) into reference points for business management in environmental matters (for instance, Lega Ambiente [Environment League, N. d. T.] launched out into car-sharing business, other associations selling “clean energy” (?), ecological products, etc.).

Their participation in the realization of Prodi’s government program will feed the shift to right and profiteering of these aggregations.


40. The Communists’ presence strengthens the Left. On the contrary, the Communists’ presence and action breaks the cabal between Right and Left and raises a barrier to the Right. The Communists’ presence shifts the political axis and the masses’ orientation to Left, checks the masses’ reactionary mobilization and strengthens the revolutionary mobilization. Prodi’s Government, carrying out from the left the bourgeoisie’s common program, with its attacks to popular masses’ rights and conquests, with its subjection to Vatican, EU, OTAN, US imperialists, masters, profiteers and bankers, with its social and economical politics, strengthens the great bourgeoisie’s power, feeds the contradiction within the masses and opens the way to the Right. In this situation it is urgent to develop a wide popular movement against Prodi’s government program. It has to be a movement really autonomous from the left bourgeoisie’s parties on political and organizational level. In order to do it Communists must be in the front row, playing a vanguard role, in order to avoid that directly or indirectly these movements fall under the bourgeoisie’s direction. Only the Communists’ presence, rightly adopting the mass line, ensures development and strengthening of these movements’ left wing.


41. The front politics is the key to the Communist movement’s new aggregation on national and international level. Our party is called to carry out an important role in various fields of the political battle ongoing in our country (first of all, the struggle against Prodi’s government) and on the international level (development of proletarian internationalism). They are important battle fields for the rebirth and strengthening of the communist movement in which we have to carry out a proposing and propulsive role. This means that we have to give an answer to all people looking for a way out from the situation where the revisionists and communist movement’s mistakes in the Seventies dragged us into, a politically and morally positive way for a greater and greater number of workers, women, young and elder people who want to share the society renewal, who contrast and fight, everyone in his way and with his limits, this society where exploitation, misery and moral and material decay are prevailing. The key to carry out this work at a higher level is the front politics.


42. The mass line for the development of masses’ revolutionary mobilization. The mass line is the method of work and direction that gives trust, aggregates and mobilizes working class and popular masses, strengthening their revolutionary mobilization, fighting the revolutionary mobilization promoted by bourgeoisie. It serves for making emerge the positive trend present within the masses (the trend towards the collective interest, the “spontaneous” trend within the masses towards socialism), in order to aggregate and give strength to the Left, to give the working class trust in its ability to struggle for a new social order, to unite the centre and the “intermediate forces”, the ones that the (n)PCI calls true democrats, to the left wing, and to isolate and fight the right wing. Adopting the mass line, it is possible to build a wide popular front led by the left wing. The example of the role the Milanese branch of our party had in the antifascist mobilization after the 11th March, its battle for a unitary and mass demonstration, well represents the force both of front politics and of mass line in every concrete situation [the demonstration of 11th March was in support to the Antifascists arrested during the clashes with the police while they were demonstrating against a Nazi-fascist parade in Milan, N. d. T.].


43. To utilize mass line and front politics, starting from the zones where we are present, is the way for widening our influence, improving our practice and linking ourselves to wider sectors of the masses. That is why it is necessary, in this phase of desegregation of reformist left parties, to develop articulated relations with their base comrades, their circles and associations, particularly with those that openly criticize the program of Prodi’s circus and the profiteering management of the bourgeois left. This is another concrete field, together with that of residual SFSR, where it will be carried out the battle for building the Popular Bloc, the battle to valorize every positive trend and contrast all the proposals that go again along the road that drive out to the reformist parties’ drift. Some Parties (Communist Party of Workers, Party of Communist Action) and political exponents drifted away from the bourgeois left parties. If they and those who will drift away in the next times really want to carry out a revolutionary role and be believable, they must do a serious self-criticism, explaining what different things they will do for not repeating the same mistakes of the past and, first of all, they must clearly hoist the banner of making Italy a new socialist country. Only doing it they will assume a positive role in the process of communist movement rebirth of our country.



III. For our work and Party’s development


44. We strongly hoist the banner: let’s make Italy a new socialist country, under direction of (n)PCI.  This banner is the warranty and the guide for not derailing or falling in sectarian extremist deviations on one side and electoral opportunistic ones on the other. This banner allows us to build constructive relations both with revolutionary forces and with true democrats. This is the main newness compared with the former experiences of participation in bourgeois political struggle and electoral competitions by some organizations of the movement of the Seventies


45. Prodi’s circus, as Berlusconi’s gang before, gets by imperialist bourgeoisie the duty to realize its common program. With Berlusconi’s gang the imperialist bourgeoisie expected to do it by force, suddenly, without aid from of regime trade unions and revisionist parties, but things are gone wrong, because the popular masses opposed to this feat of strength a tenacious and prolonged mobilization that was feeding the communist movement rebirth. That is why the imperialist bourgeoisie retreated to Prodi’s circus: it heads for getting the same objectives and realize the same program, but through the work of dividing various sectors of the popular masses, the swindle of the “government friend of the masses” and the desegregating work of regime unions and revisionists parties. The risk of “Berlusconi’s return” threatened by the parties of Prodi’s government has the only aim to dissuade the popular masses from struggling, induce them to give credit and trust to the “friend government” or, at least, let it work in peace. Berlusconi or some new version of the Right will come back only if Prodi’s government will succeed in suffocating and desegregating the popular masses’ mobilization and in withdrawing the rebirth of communist movement. At this point the bourgeoisie would think to be able to try another feat of strength.


46. The Vatican is the principal mainstay of imperialist bourgeoisie and of its system of exploitation and oppression. It exploits the fears this system arouses among the masses, speculates on the misfortunes this system provokes to them s, uses its moral authority for drawing resources from them and dissuading them from the struggle against who’s responsible of their uneasiness and for a new higher social order able to end every misery, exploitation and war. The Vatican cooperates with the other groups of imperialist bourgeoisie at the elimination of popular masses’ conquests of civilization and welfare, particularly as regards women’s: the “defense of life” is the cultural and ideological cover of the attack to a conscious and safeguarded motherhood. The imperialist bourgeoisie gave the Vatican the ideological and moral direction of the popular masses’ reactionary mobilization: the “civilization and religion war” is the banner by which it carries out the aggression to Arab and Muslim popular masses. This is the reason of subjection of the imperialist bourgeoisie, whatever bigot or unbeliever it is, to the Pope and his court. This is the reason of grants and benefits to Vatican and Catholic Church, of the offensive the Pope and his army of bishops and cardinals are carrying out in every field of social life. The Communists have the absolutely necessary duty to unmask and denounce Vatican and Church’s role and responsibility in the extermination war the imperialist bourgeoisie carries out against popular masses, and to support and promote every mobilization of the popular masses against Vatican and Church. Every way of progress for the popular masses passes through the suppression of Vatican!


47. Our principal points of reference are the advanced workers and members of the popular masses. They are not generically the popular masses nor their central part, nor the true democrats, but the vanguard workers and vanguard elements of the popular masses. They are the principal promoters of the popular masses’ mobilization against the imperialist bourgeoisie’s common program. They are the left in trade unions, in revisionist parties, in other popular organizations and in popular masses’ protest movement. The struggle against Berlusconi’s government united the right and the left in trade unions, revisionist parties, other popular organizations and popular masses’ protest movements. On the contrary, the struggle against the anti-popular and warmongering measures of Prodi’s government is on a new level: the left has to organize and promote it in an autonomous way, so it must distinguish and divide itself from the right and contest the direction and orientation of popular masses’ mobilization with it and wring it out of it. Our Party has the duty to support and strengthen the left in this battle, identify and get it for collecting and organize it in the struggle for making Italy a new socialist country. Only in this way the struggle against Prodi’s government and bourgeoisie’s common program the Party has the duty to realize could develop and, at the same time, the accumulation of revolutionary forces will advance.


48. Our slogan is “Let’s build the Popular Bloc”. We want to build a popular bloc also in the electoral field, struggling against every expression of bourgeois regime putrefaction, against the elimination of conquests, for improving popular masses’ work and life conditions. It will be a Popular Bloc that supports every mass struggle without reservation, that promotes the masses’ revolutionary mobilization as principal way and mean for any defense and any conquest. It will be a Popular Bloc sharing the workers’ and popular masses’ reconquest with a general and common platform, binding all the organizations of the Bloc, founded on the development of a front politics (common and coordinated initiatives, open and loyal debate about programs and objectives of single components, mutual solidarity). We had rightly defined as a limit to make only an “anti-capitalist bloc”, because it implies an objective and a program that will remain enclosed within the field of the FSRS, will not open to the popular masses, will not favor the masses’ active and revolutionary mobilization.


49. We support the front of unionist and claiming struggles (the third front of struggle). We support the renewal of Italian unionist movement carried out by the Struggling Workers’ Unions and the other unions that join this battle. They are unions that struggle to defend workers and popular masses’ rights, to develop class solidarity against any kind of direct and indirect repression of workers and vanguard people, to build the unionist unity of all proletarians and connect this struggle to that for a new higher social order that will realize the proletarians’ emancipation from capitalists until the elimination of capitalism. In this sense we must carry out a greater separation from the work some our leaders do for CARC party and for SLL. Both they have to be two autonomous organizations, directed by Communists and cooperating among them (front politics) just because they belong to the same movement of the “rebirth of the communist movement” and trending towards the same strategic aim, that is “to make Italy a new socialist country”. Nevertheless, each one has to develop its specificities and particularities.


 50. We support the front of struggle and resistance against the repression and the development of proletarian solidarity (the first front of struggle). We support the struggle the Association of Proletarian Solidarity (ASP) is carrying out for almost 30 years for the development of a wide common struggle front against the repression of workers and popular masses, against the various kinds of preventive counter revolution and for the solidarity towards the revolutionary prisoners and all the people hit by repression because they are, or the bourgeoisie fears they could become, centre of promotion, orientation and direction of popular masses’ direction. Also in this field we have already taken important decisions with the detachment of some militants for the autonomous development of ASP activities. As to SLL, we are linked also to ASP by the common historical origin and membership to the “caravan” that has worked for the reconstruction of a new communist party, the membership to the same movement of the “rebirth of the communist movement” and the same strategic objective, that is to make Italy a new socialist country. The attacks by the preventive counter revolution and the common objectives compel us to develop the common front politics in this field as well, everyone with its specificities and particularities. The experience of the struggle against the 8th proceedings against the (n)PCI and our party concretely demonstrates how it’s possible to develop a dialectical link between 1st and 2nd front.


51. We support the front of the struggle for renewing proletarian culture and developing economical and social popular aggregations: cooperatives, recreational and sporting associations (the fourth front of struggle). This is a field where are not yet emerged organizations able to become centre of propulsion in this process of renewal. It is still a field mainly dominated by the revisionist and grass roots political forces (Italian Re-creative Cultural Association, people’s houses, social centers, work or social cooperatives). Also in this field, in these years we did some important experiences (Documentation Centers “Filorosso” and linked people’s houses) but we did not succeed in develop and making them real mass organizations. This field has had a great development under old PCI’s direction. The revisionists had altered and made it culture medium of bourgeois and capitalist ideology. The development of this struggle front is very important and our party must particularly care of springing up buds and of the development of a healthy proletarian culture in the field of arts, show, socialization, music, etc. The development of work in this struggle front necessarily starts from a balance of experiences accumulated in the past. This is the only instrument to understand and overcome our failures and limits. As we told, the general crisis of capitalist system is economical, political and cultural at the same time. The bourgeoisie widely spreads a reactionary culture among the popular masses. It foments individualism, escapism, brutishness, war among the poor and resignation to the hellish life which capitalism relegates the masses to. It uses it as instrument to make the masses’ revolutionary mobilization in defense of capitalism prevail against the revolutionary mobilization for overcoming capitalism and building a society ruled by workers. The bourgeoisie received aid by the Vatican for carrying out all this. Because of particular reasons of force and history, the Vatican assumes the role of a just real intellectual drive of the bourgeoisie’s campaign for wide spreading a reactionary culture among the popular masses. The Communists must support, promote and organize the popular masses mobilization to get their own autonomous cultural instruments and for the renewal of proletarian culture.


 52. We support the struggle to defend the environment. The present general crisis that hits capitalist world affects the environment as well. Because of its desperate search for profit, the bourgeoisie is poisoning the planet, wasting the necessary resources for the existence of human kind. The bourgeoisie is making an extreme attempt to keep standing its rotten economic and political system, and so it is denying the possibility to live in a healthy movement to the next generations. Few people’s speculations are damaging everybody’s patrimony. On innumerable occasions our country’s popular masses demonstrated to consider priority the defense of environment and of public health. In the last years, the popular masses have carried out the most obstinate struggles just in this field, against the High Speed Train (TAV), against the multiplication of incinerators and dumps and regasificators. All these hotbeds of revolt are united by one denominator: to stop the environmental devastation for an environment which live in and make grow in the next generations. The bourgeoisie cannot hide the imbalances its wicked politics is causing in the planet, but puts forward simple palliatives (traffic blockades in the cities, international agreements for the reduction of gaseous emissions, etc.) only for demonstrating that is doing something for the common good. The devastation of environment is part of the “undeclared extermination war” against the popular masses. The bourgeoisie is the last to suffer the harmful effects of environmental devastation, while the proletarians cannot avoid them: the popular masses pass all their existence in the polluted city suburbs, work in contact with substances harmful to organism. In this contraposition between bourgeoisie’s profits and speculations and popular masses’ right to live in harmony with territory and in a healthy environment, the CARC Party confirms that it is not possible reconcile bourgeoisie’s and popular masses’ interests. So, we shall commit ourselves with all our might to promote, organize and support a struggle as widest as possible against the environmental devastation and to defend popular masses’ work and health condition.


53. We support the development of proletarian internationalism. We develop the international relations, that is the exchange between the Italian and world communist revolutionary movement, for the mutual enrichment, through the front politics. We develop relations with communist and revolutionary parties and organizations of the imperialist and oppressed and semi-colonial countries, first of all with those that develop revolutionary activities in the second front of struggle, that is to direct the popular masses to intervene in the bourgeois political struggle with the objective to accumulate revolutionary forces for socialist revolutions and better carry out our struggle. Everywhere in the world we support the masses’ resistance against imperialist aggressions. We support the ongoing socialist and new democracy revolutions all around the world.


54. Two lines of development: young workers and students and women of the popular masses. In the next years we shall particularly care of the development of two important sectors of masses’ revolutionary mobilization: popular masses’ young people and women. Also in these sectors we must retake the national and international communist movement’s better experience. The young people are the most dynamic part and represent the advancing new and the future for the communist movement. The women, the other half of the sky, represent a point of force for the development of a true revolutionary movement, because their contribution deeply affects social relations. It has never been a communist movement that has not particularly cared the development of women’s and young people’s and students’ mobilization.


55. Line of development for our Party growing. Our Party must keep on transforming itself in an instrument more and more adequate to carry out its duties. We still have to do many steps on in this process of transformation. In the next years we have to deepen and widen the work already begun in the past, strengthening in every comrade and organization capabilities and mobilization for carrying out the duties it have. In every comrade we have to strengthen the devotion to the cause, the communist conception of the world, the method of work, the discipline, the activism and the spirit of initiative. In every organization we must develop the division of the duties and every aspect of the acting. In every organization and instance of the party we have to strengthen the process of Criticism-Self-Criticism-Transformation and in order to do it we must favor the widest debate and the higher respect of instances, roles and responsibilities. The party has to provide itself an even more advanced system for members’ formation, assignment of duties and responsibilities and construction of instances and organizations on the basis of the concrete possibilities and in the perspective of the entire party’s progressive growth.


55. Struggle against Right wing and Fascism. We have told that Prodi’s government open again the way to the Right, strengthen it and will give room to the formation and development of Fascist and Para-fascist forces. In order to install themselves in the popular districts and work places, they will try to speculate upon the deep uneasiness and miseries the capitalist society creates, upon the government’s anti-popular measures, upon the divisions among the masses fed by the program of Prodi’s government. Our party must become promoter and participate actively in the battle for driving this cancer the bourgeoisie is trying to introduce out from popular districts and factories, and push these forces back to the sewers. However, the principal and decisive instrument of the struggle the Communists carry out against the right demagogy and fascism consist of mobilizing, organizing and directing all popular masses strata to struggle against bourgeoisie, rich people and Authorities, to mobilize within the communist movement all the people discontented with the present state of things for some or others reasons and to orient all rebels’ resentment against the imperialist bourgeoisie. We have to develop the widest popular front in this ground as well, practicing the front politics and the mass line.


56. We struggle against imperialist war and support the resistance of attacked peoples. USA, Zionists and their European accomplices, among which the Italian imperialist groups, with their government Centre Left and Centre Right coalitions, attack the Afghan, Iraqi, Palestinian, Lebanese and other peoples, for subjecting them to their exploitation and plundering their countries. As Communists working in an attacking country, we have to struggle resolutely against the imperialist war, to support without reservation the resistance the attacked peoples oppose to occupation and slaughters, to fight effectively and radically our country bourgeoisie, to side in favor of aggression and occupation armies’ defeat by the Resistance. Each blow the attacked people’s resistance inflicts to the attacking armies weakens the bourgeoisie of the imperialist countries. Each advancement and success the Communists and the popular masses of imperialist countries get against their bourgeoisie strengthens the oppressed people resistance.


57. Let’s make Italy a new socialist country. This is the banner the CARC Party has hoisted and will carry out with abnegation and innovative spirit. Let’s advance on the path traced by the CARC Extraordinary National Direction in the spring of 2005, for better carrying out our duty in the struggle for making Italy a new socialist country.